21

We don't know for sure how -gn- was pronounced in Classical Latin. There are a few arguments for reconstructing the pronunciation of -⁠gn- as [ŋn], or more specifically [ŋ.n], with a syllable break between the two consonants. (This syllabification would explain why the preceding syllable is always metrically "heavy"—or in the misleading old-fashioned ...


16

It's impossible to pinpoint an exact date, but there is evidence. As usualy, Vox Graeca or Sihler's New Comparative Grammar is where to look. The earliest inscription we have of a Greek phi transliterated as a Latin 'F' comes from Pompeii in the first century CE, where the name Daphne was inscribed on a wall as Dafne. This might not have been monolithic, ...


15

W. Sydney Allen, not unexpectedly, has the answer in Vox Latina, 26–27: The digraphs ph, th, ch represented aspirated voiceless plosives—not unlike the initial sounds of pot, top, cot respectively. They were indeed aspirated, and this is due to Greek influence. They were not found in the oldest inscriptions (p, t, and c sufficed), and initially, ...


14

W. Sydney Allen, Vox Latina, 12–13, contends that the voiceless plosives in Latin were, compared to English, "relatively unaspirated," but that some aspiration may have been tolerated. First, evidence for a lack of aspiration can be seen in Greek transcriptions of these letters: π, τ, κ were used for p, t, and c/qu ("e.g., Καπετωλιον, Κοιντος for Capitolium,...


11

The pronunciation of the letter m at the end of words isn't completely uniform in Classical Latin. W. Sydney Allen, in Vox Latina 30–31, lays out the evidence for several different ways the letter impacted the pronunciation of words. "In general," Allen says, m at the end of words marked "a mere nasalization of the preceding vowel." He ...


11

Bibliography on this phenomenon: Poucet 1966: 140, supplemented by Burman 2018; if you have free time, you can also watch "(False) Etymology and ‘Sabine -l-‘" by Nicholas Zair - he presented it at the 14th Fachtagung of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft in Copenhagen in 2012 (Etymology and the European Lexicon; you can skip the Q&A session at ...


10

Pater, mater, frater etc. are IE -r stems; compare pater with English father, Sanskrit (acc. s.) pitaram etc. Iecur is an IE -r/n heteroclit, like Avestan yakarə.


10

Forgive me if I use IPA notation. As a non-native speaker of English, I still have some difficulty with English vowels and don't really feel comfortable using English-based systems as Webster's In Classical reconstructed pronunciation, it would be ['la.ti.ũ:]. Germans and classicists prefer this one. Note that this is how Romans most likely pronounced it, ...


9

First of all, it's important to note that syllables containing a vowel + gn combination are long (or, less confusingly, "heavy"), regardless of the length of the vowel itself. As Bennet says: A syllable is long,— a) if it contains a long vowel; [...] c) if it contains a short vowel followed by x, z, or any two consonants (5.B.1) It does not follow, ...


9

Sampson 1999 summarizes research on nasalization of vowels in Latin: "there is every reason for believing that in the history of Latin significant vowel nasality, allophonic and perhaps even phonemic, may well have been found at different times, in different places, and with different sociolinguisic significance" (p. 42). Researchers don't entirely ...


9

Weiss (Hist. Comp. Gramm. Lat. 75, note 26) says that "the first syllable of īnferus was identified with in- and the medial *dʰ was therefore given a pseudo-initial treatment". De Vaan (s.v.) agrees, citing Walde-Hoffman, Leumann, and Meiser, though he also mentions the possibility of a divergent dialectal treatment. He compares -fāriam "in n parts" (e.g. ...


8

All syllables containing long vowels are heavy, but not all heavy syllables contain long vowels. Syllabification is in general a fairly abstract linguistic concept, and so there are several different ways of thinking about Latin syllabification. I believe the most common current analysis would be that a syllable is heavy either (a) if it contains a long ...


8

Here is metric evidence in support of three syllables. I went through all occurrences of mortuu- in Vergil(ius) and Ovid(ius), and I found no occurrences that would require scanning mortuus or mortuum as a two-syllable word. Such situations are possible, so absence of such evidence is evidence to the contrary. The examples below require three syllables to ...


8

It actually helps to know that the th was not always there. A variant of his name that was common (standard?) in Medieval and early modern texts was Boetius. In some texts, he's even Boece. While a standard pronunciation of the former is /boʊˈiʃəs/ ("bow-EE-shiss"), the latter is /boʊˈis/ ("bow-EES"); cf. Statius ("STAY-shiss") and Lucrece ("loo-CREASE"). ...


8

Check out the Epigraphic Database Heidelberg. It thankfully allows you to search words, which will allow you to look at deeper results. From a cursory search, though it seems that conl- is earlier, but by the Augustan Age, both were frequently used.: For conl: note that Sulla's inscription in Delos has conlegia and conlata. It's early and frequent, even ...


8

I'd like to add some interesting data I found in Weiss 2009. He mentioned Purnelle 1995, Les usages des graveurs dans la notation d'upsilon et des phonèmes aspirés: Le cas des anthroponymes grecs dans les inscriptions latines de Rome. Liège: diff. As you can see from the title, Gérald Purnelle studied how Greek proper nouns were transliterated in Roman ...


8

Here is Allen, Vox Graeca (15): Allen and Sturtevant (Pronunciation of Greek and Latin) both argue, based on the rarity of misspellings of the type *κθών, that the first consonant in such clusters really was aspirated, i.e. this was not just a spelling convention.


7

The argument raised in the document you cite is good one. In classical Latin poetry elision is used frequently. As a rule, when a word ends in a vowel and the next word begins with a vowel, the vowel in the first word is not pronounced. In addition to this main rule, there are two additional things to note: Word-initial h and word-final m are ignored. ...


6

There seems to be a certain amount of evidence that suggests the possibility of a phonetic process of vowel lengthening, or perhaps raising* before -gn-. However, evidence from Romance languages indicates that any lengthening or raising sound change did not run to completion (or was reversed) in this context: Italian has [e] in degno and segnare. For this ...


6

There is no single standard for Latin pronunciation. The main division is between reconstructed pronunciation (based on our idea of what Classical Latin sounded like) vs. everything else. As Draconis mentioned, in reconstructed pronunciation <ti> is just pronounced as a sequence of the T sound [t] followed by one of the two I sounds, ĭ [i~ɪ] or ī [iː]. ...


6

The common pronunciation depends somewhat on when you're learning, as well as where. In recent decades there's been a push toward "reconstructed" pronunciation in education; if you learned that "c" is always /k/, this is probably what you're using. In reconstructed pronunciation, tĭ (as in sentiō) is /tɪ/, and tī (as in sentīre) is /tiː/. In other words, ...


6

Apparently this pronunciation of Latium is similar to the one that the French use. I had the same question when I visited Rome and realized that the modern name of Lazio is the Italian pronunciation of Latium. Since -tion in English corresponds to -zione in Italian, I concluded that the -ti- in Latium should probably be pronounced like the -ti- in e.g. ...


6

A syllable is can be heavy in two ways. It is heavy by nature if it contains a long vowel or a diphthong. It is heavy by position if the vowel is followed by a "consonant cluster". If neither happens, the syllable is light. It can also be heavy for both of the two reasons. The irregularities have to do with what "consonant cluster" means. Mostly, it means ...


6

The answer to your question is simple and difficult at the same time. As Christian Lehmann (Lehmann 2010) puts it rather succinctly, "A light syllable is one ending in a short vowel; all other syllables are heavy." The real challenge, of course, is syllabification, i.e. how to correctly (best?) divide any Latin word into syllables, e.g. rēg.num ...


5

In early classical poetry, a final /s/ did not necessarily make position in Vs CV. This is common enough in Plautus, especially when combined with Brevis Brevians, and seems to diminish in frequency with time. It is still present in Lucilius, and the very last instance is in Catullus. I cannot run an analysis of the frequency of voiced vs unvoiced consonants,...


4

We need to distinguish a mediaeval Latin pronunciation from an English one. The English pronunciation is what would be used in talking about him in a English context, and is what one might expect for "Boëthius" [boʊˈiːθiəs] ("bowEEthius") The alternative spelling "Boëtius" yields [boʊˈi:ʃəs] ("bowEEshus") or similar. However, if one wants to know how he ...


4

Weiss writes that “there was no general anaptyxis between a consonant and u” (p. 145). The outcome is different and seems to be unpredictable. In some cases Cu > Cu or CC or C: equus (*h1ekuos), Minerva (*menesua) sollus (*soluos); probus (*probhuos), suavis (*suaduis); Weiss 2009/2011 adds that “*tu apparently did become *tuu with gemination of the t if ...


4

I have just found out that both plural forms monaci and monachi are, or at least were, used in Italian so I guess the variation in the Latin is probably due to whatever form the writer used in Italian. (From Dizionario Portatile delle Lingue Italiana ed Inglese 1819):


4

I'm not sure how well-accepted this theory is, but Fournet proposes a relationship between [d] (*) and /l/ in Etruscan: Hurrian -da ~ Etruscan -l "[dative marker]", Umbrian *daukomṇ > Etruscan lauχum "leader", Etruscan tular "boundary stones" > Latin Tuder "[city in Umbria]". According to him, Etruscan influences ...


4

An interesting discussion. Re aqua, it is a thorny problem. There are two (indirectly three) cases in Lucretius (and, save for an anonymous tragic line and an anonymous inscription, in Lucretius alone) where aqua cannot be scanned in the usual disyllabic way: 6.552 fit quoque, ubi in magnas aquae uastasque lacunas where aquae must either be anapaestic or ...


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