4

In this other answer, TKR suggests that the Homeric dative οἱ might have once been something like *ϝϝοι, with initial long [wː]. This makes sense to me, etymologically, since it may have come from a PIE form starting with *sw-.

Vegawatcher also cites Benner about a related matter in Homer:

A short final vowel may make a long syllable when the next word begins with a liquid λ, μ, ν, ρ—or digamma, or sigma.

This irregular lengthening aside, though, it makes me wonder: do we ever see words that consistently start with a long consonant? In other words, are there words that start with a single consonant (rather than a cluster) that consistently make the previous syllable scan heavy, indicating that there's an underlying or historical *ϝϝ, *ρρ, etc? Or do there seem to have ever been words like that in the history of Greek, even if they were no longer consistently so in Homer?

2
  • 2
    Specifically on οἱ, what I think makes a reconstruction with [w:-] conceivable is the fact that οἱ is (usually) enclitic, so that the geminate would not be word-initial at the prosodic-word level.
    – TKR
    Commented Mar 22, 2022 at 19:57
  • Wikipedia, under Ancient Greek Phonology, has this in regards to the pronunciation of liquids: "At the beginning of a word, it was pronounced as a voiceless alveolar trill [r̥]. In some cases, initial ⟨ρ⟩ in poetry was pronounced as a geminate (phonemically /rr/, phonetically [r̥ː]), shown by the fact that the previous syllable is counted as heavy: for instance τίνι ῥυθμῷ must be pronounced as τίνι ρρυθμῷ in Euripides, Electra 772, τὰ ῥήματα as τὰ ρρήματα w/ Aristophanes in his play The Frogs 1059, and βέλεα ῥέον as βέλεα ρρέον in Iliad 12.159." Commented Mar 25, 2022 at 14:33

0

Your Answer

By clicking “Post Your Answer”, you agree to our terms of service and acknowledge you have read our privacy policy.